|                             Filmmakers: Manuel Contreras and Russ Finkelstein  After decades of war, today the Colombian government claims to be  putting an end to one of the oldest guerrilla organisations in the  world: the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). The strategy  that accompanies the government's military strikes is to offer  opportunities and guarantees to those soldiers who decide to leave the  ranks of the group. But can Colombia keep its promise of peace for the  ex-FARC guerrillas returning home from the jungle - and can they resist  temptations? In the following account, filmmaker Russ Finkelstein  describes the issues behind the demobilisation programme and why many  ex-FARC guerrillas are struggling with demobilisation.  The FARC has been fighting a revolution in Colombia for 47 years  now. What first began as a Marxist-inspired struggle over land rights,  social and agrarian reforms and resistance to neo-imperialism has been  intensified and warped by the influence of the extremely lucrative  cocaine trade.  At times, the FARC has held support among Colombia's lower classes,  especially in the countryside. In other contexts they have been feared  and despised for their ruthless tactics. The Colombian government, the  US state department and the European Union consider them to be a  terrorist organisation.   Alvaro Uribe, who was president of Colombia from 2002 to 2010, made eradicating the FARC a top priority of his administration.   Contrary to his predecessor, Andres Pastrana Arango, who held peace  talks with the guerrillas, Uribe took a hardline approach to ending the  conflict; perhaps in part because his own father was killed by the FARC  during a 1983 kidnapping attempt.  During his presidency, Uribe launched countless military operations  against the group, and his former minister of defence and the country's  current president, Juan Manuel Santos, has kept putting an end to the  FARC a top priority of the current administration.  For the guerrillas, the harshness of the jungle combined with  enduring increasingly effective military strikes has made life for the  combatants treacherous, if not intolerable.  Thousands of the groups remaining members have been tempted to defect  thanks to the government's demobilisation programme, which consist of a  pardon for having been a member of a terrorist organisation as well as  economic, educational and psychological assistance while integrating  into civilian life. The Santos government considers the programme, along  with the military pressure on the FARC, to be successful, citing the  large numbers of demobilised combatants as forward progress in the  seemingly endless war.  "The best way to win the war is to prevent combat from continuing  while still being able to achieve one's objectives," said President Juan  Manuel Santos at a recent forum on the demobilisation process, adding,  "How can we defeat them as quickly as possible? Of course military  action continues. They are constantly adapting, they have and continue  to finance themselves through drug trafficking, and so what will put an  end to them once and for all? We have told them to demobilise and form  part of the [demobilisation] programme, because if they don't it will  either be jail or the grave. For this to be more convincing, we've got  to make demobilisation more attractive, and we've got to make the threat  of jail or the grave more effective."  The end of a war that does not necessarily end  While we were making Hard Road Back, it became apparent that  for the ex-combatants the war does not necessarily end with their  demobilisation. The FARC continues to exist. They consider their  defected former comrades, including those who participated in our film,  to be traitors to the organisation, an offence punishable by death. Most  of the ex-combatants we spent time with were hesitant at first to  appear on camera as they generally try to remain anonymous for the sake  of their personal safety.  Additionally, they do not usually discuss their pasts as they try to  avoid discrimination they are likely to face in a society that generally  considers them to be terrorists, extortionists, kidnappers, torturers,  rapists and murderers. For these reasons many of the demobilised leave  their homes in the countryside to settle in large cities where they can  live anonymously.  For their personal surrender as well as for their participation in  psychological counselling and basic education, the ex-combatants receive  a modest monthly stipend from the government. The programme also allows  them plenty of free time in which they are encouraged to work. We  learned however after talking to dozens of ex-combatants in the  programme, that with little if any education, few employable skills and  the discrimination they face as former terrorists, the demobilised  ex-combatants generally live lives of poverty.    At the same time, the war continues to manifest and change. New armed  groups have sprung up in marginal neighbourhoods of major cities; which  also happen to be the types of places where many of the ex-combatants  settle after demobilising. These criminal elements, including urban  wings of paramilitary groups, pay three to five times the amount of the  monthly government stipend to those who work as hired guns. The money is  often sufficient temptation for those with the experience and know-how  necessary for this type of work.   After meeting dozens of ex-combatants and hearing them tell their  stories, it became apparent that the existence of these new armed groups  and the temptation they represent to the demobilised ex-combatants  presents a significant challenge to the success of the government's  programme and to the prospect of peace as proposed by the current  policies.  The government's efforts may be diminishing the FARC's numbers, but  if a significant number of those who leave the group end up taking up  arms to fight for other illegal armed groups, then the war will perhaps  mutate and persist. The names of the groups doing the fighting may  change though the profile of the individual combatants remains  essentially the same. For the most part, they are poor and frustrated  people to whom joining in the fighting represents a means of survival.  As is usually the case with people from the countryside anywhere in  the world, the ex-combatants we came in contact with were all very  hospitable, humble, friendly, respectful and accommodating. At first it  was startling to recall that the people who had invited us into their  homes and offered us their food had a few months or years ago been  carrying out unthinkable acts in the jungle. We soon realised though  that they are tired of fighting and are now doing their best to leave  their violent pasts behind.  Giving up on the FARC's revolution  All of the former FARC combatants we met including Julio came from  rural poverty. Julio first joined the FARC as a miliciano or  plain-clothed, unarmed helper, when he was eleven or twelve years  old. He was an orphan and had been forced to work in the fields as a  young boy. To him, the well dressed, well-armed FARC soldiers commanded  respect. Furthermore, they stood for political ideals that directly  reflected the injustices he lived as a peasant from the countryside. He  soon became dedicated to the organisation and was convinced that the  FARC would topple the powers that be and establish a new and more just  government in Colombia.  But after nearly two decades with the organisation and changing  personal circumstances, Julio decided to defect. He moved to Bogota with  his wife and son and has since been doing his best to make ends meet;  though it has not been easy. Although he has given up on the FARC's  revolution, he still remains politically committed to social change and  progress for Colombia's poor. He has had to put his political ideals  aside to some degree however in order to address the more pressing issue  of his family's wellbeing.   Julio is charming and charismatic. In the FARC he rose to the rank of  commander and in civilian life he has attracted countless friends and  comrades. He is currently organising a committee of ex-combatants in his  neighbourhood which he hopes will, among their other objectives, help  prevent the demobilised from falling back into the war. The idea is to  pool resources, improve relations with the community and establish  solidarity and camaraderie amongst the demobilised in order to improve  their situation.
  For the government, the success of the  demobilisation programme is seen as a vital strategic step in putting an  end to a gruesome war that has gone on for nearly half a century. But  for the FARC's former combatants, most of whom have endured hardship and  turmoil all their lives, the government's programme offers an  opportunity to start anew and pursue something they have never known: a  peaceful life. If they are to achieve this goal, however, they must be  personally committed to peace in order to resist the ever-present  possibility of reverting back to a life of violence.     |    Hard Road Back can be seen from Tuesday, August 2, at the  following times GMT: Tuesday: 2230; Wednesday: 0930; Thursday: 0330;  Friday: 1630; Saturday: 2230; Sunday: 0930; Monday: 0330; Tuesday: 1630.  Click here for more on Witness  |    | 
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